Colonial French

Colonial French (commonly known as Colonial Louisiana French) is a variety of Louisiana French. It is associated with the Cajun French dialect and Louisiana Creole French, a related creole language. Formerly spoken widely in what is now the U.S. state of Louisiana, it has since merged into Cajun French.

Colonial French is conventionally described as the form of French spoken in Lower French Louisiana prior to the late arrival of Acadians after the Great Upheaval of the mid-18th century, which resulted in the birth of the Cajun dialect. The prestige dialect still used by Creoles and Cajuns is often identified as deriving from Colonial French, but some linguists differentiate between the two, referring to the latter as Plantation Society French.

Historically spoken by Louisiana Creole population in lower French Louisiana, Colonial French is generally considered to have been adopted by whites, blacks and Cajuns. It is known among the educated that it has been relabeled “Cajun French” among Cajuns and CODOFIL. Most linguists consider it to have largely been relabeled Cajun French by Cajuns and whites, which is distinguishable from Louisiana Creole French.

Following the Great Upheaval in the mid-18th century, when many Acadians relocated to French Louisiana, Colonial French was beginning to be assimilated by the Acadians or “Cajuns”. Some scholars suggested that it survived as the prestige dialect spoken by Creoles, both white and of color, into the 21st century. There are populations of Creoles and Cajuns among other ethnic groups in the parishes of St. Martin, Avoyelles, Iberia, Pointe-Coupée, St. Charles, St. Landry, St. Mary, St. Tammany, Plaquemines, and other parishes south of Orleans, that still speak this prestige dialect.

However, linguists have pointed out this prestige dialect is distinct from the pre-Upheaval Colonial French, and is largely derived from the standard French of the mid-19th century, Spanish, African languages, and Native Americans languages. As such, in 1998 linguist Michael Picone of the University of Alabama introduced the term “Plantation Society French” for the prestige dialect. There is a history of diglossia between Plantation Society French and Louisiana Creole French. Plantation Society French, at any rate, is quite close to the Standard French of the time of its origin, with some possible differences in pronunciation and vocabulary use.

Unremarkably, it is still spoken by the Louisiana Indians, such as the Houmas, Avoyelles, Choctaw and other tribal remnants, all present in pre-Acadian Louisiana and still present in contemporary Louisiana.

The French settled in Louisiana (then la Louisiane or New France), establishing the Creole culture and language there. French immigration was at its peak during the 17th and 18th centuries and then small waves in the 19th century until the start of the American Civil War, bringing large numbers of francophones speaking something more similar to today’s Metropolitan French into Louisiana. Over time, through contact between groups, such as the white Creoles, Creoles de couleur, native tribes, Africans, the Spanish etc. there was a high rate of intermarriage, the dialects would mix, to produce the French we today call Louisiana French.

Over time Louisiana French became the firmly established language of many south Louisiana parishes, mainly the Creole Parishes (among “Cajuns” it is known as Acadiana).

Louisiana French, although originally spoken by the French & Métis Creoles of Southern Louisiana, is also spoken by Acadian-Creoles/“Cajuns” but, also by other ethnic groups that lived in the Créole settlement of Lower Louisiana. Creoles, Amerindian ethnic groups such as the Houma, Chitimacha, Pointe-au-Chien,[6] Bayougoula, Tunica-Biloxi, Atakapa, Opelousa, Okelousa, and Avoyel, already spoke this variety of French prior to the late arrival of the Acadian people in Louisiana, as noted by Captain Jean-Bernard Bossu who traveled with and witnessed Bienville himself speaking this “common language” in his work Travels Through That Part of American Formerly Called Louisiana 1768; pp. 254–255. This unusual blend of Colonial French was also noticed by Pierre-Clement de Laussat during a lunch visit with the Creole French Canterelle family large fabric shaver. Upon arrival of their Houma Indian relatives these French Creoles began conversing in “French and Choctaw” according to the surprised Governor. Additional witness to this remarkable Louisiana French, comes from J.F.H. Claiborne, in his Mississippi the Province, the Territory and the State w/ Biographical’ Notices of Eminent Citizens: Vol. 1, publication date 1880, a cousin of Louisiana’s first American Governor, who also noted the “unusual patois of provincial French and Choctaw” spoken by coureur de bois, Louis LeFleur.

“Créole” as a noun is different from créole as an adjective. Despite the “Creole myth” of both Charles Gayarre’ of New Orleans and that of later ‘Creoles de couleur’ and some contemporary associations of ‘creole’ as a racial qualifier, the term is not “polysemous” historically-speaking. As shown in the works of German scholar Georg Friederici’s Amerikanisches Wörterbuch and in Louisiana’s courthouse records and documents of the French and Spanish colonial periods, the term was consistently used generically to represent native, or “locally-born” in contrast to “foreign-born”. Regardless of whether a person was born of African or Native ancestry or white origins, he or she was “Créole” in colonial Louisiana. Créole (lower case)as an adjective simply meant “native”. Through the interactions between such groups of French, African, and Native American, Spanish, German, and Italians “Louisiana French” became a lingua franca used among all, now known as Louisiana French or because as they were all speakers of this creolized French, they referred to their language “Créole French” as did the uneducated African slaves and poor Creoles even as the descendants of the Acadians in Louisiana refer to this same “Creole” French (Louisiana French), as “Cajun French.”

In today’s society Créoles are able glean this lingua franca in the Dictionary of Louisiana French As Spoken In Cajun, Creole & Indian Communities (2010) edited by Albert Valdman and other authorities on the pre-Acadian language, as well as, in the Dictionary of Louisiana Creole, although it is heavily phoneticized in the international phonetic script which tends to give the misleading impression that Louisiana Creole is an entirely unrelated language.

Louisiana French is not only spoken by the French Creoles but also by Metis Creoles such as the Chitimacha, Houma, Biloxi, Tunica, Choctaw, and also by Whites or Cajuns, French, Vietnamese, Cambodian, Laotian, Syrian, Lebanese, Irish and others. Individuals and groups of individuals, through innovation, adaptation and contact, continually enrich the French language spoken in Louisiana, seasoning it with linguistic features sometimes only found in Louisiana

Primarily it is spoken in Pointe Coupee, Lafayette, and Natchitoches, but is also spoken in:

Louisiana’s Colonial French-Choctaw Patois,a creole French-Indian patois, remains the language known as “Louisiana French” complete with its unusual Mobilian-Choctaw jargon. Due to the consistent relations between the Native American tribes and the indigenous Louisiana Creole people, their lingua franca became what many today call Colonial French-Choctaw Patois or Colonial French Koine. It is regarded as a “marriage of the Colonial French of the French maritime world and the unique ‘Lower Louisiana’ Mobilian-Choctaw Jargon”. Louisiana French-Choctaw Patois, native speakers being primarily Louisiana’s Afro-French and Metis Creoles, has a host of words of Native American origin.

In contrast to the Acadians, the Louisiana French Canadian and European soldiers of Bienville’s Alabama would intermarry largely among the Choctaw Amerindian families (of the Muskogean family of Indians), and among other Amerindian families friendly to the French in both “Lower and Upper Louisiana” – then, including what are now the American States of Louisiana, Mississippi home meat tenderizer machine, parts of Texas, Alabama, Illinois, Missouri, Michigan and the Great Lakes regions where French-Canadian and their metis descendants continue to live and speak their dialects of French.

Louisiana’s Colonial French-Choctaw Patois often varies by community and ethnic group.

Prairie French is spoken among Creole, Cajun, and (other) white residents in southwest Louisiana.

Bayou French is primarily spoken among white French Creoles, other white people, and American Indians in southeast Louisiana. It has many old lost Acadian phrases and sayings that sound crude to most other Louisiana French speakers.

Although known as Natchitoches French, this variety is spoken not only by those Metis Creoles of Natchitoches Parish. This dialect has a heavy Choctaw influence when compared to other dialects. One aspect of note is the use of “Halito,” a Choctaw word for “Hello,” when greeting one’s elders.

The numbers of this dialect have dwindled greatly; not many native speakers of this dialect survive.

Many speakers of this dialect are bilingual in both Louisiana Creole and Louisiana French-Choctaw Patois. Hence, there is a heavy presence of code-switching and lexical borrowing among Louisiana Creole, Louisiana French-Choctaw Patois, and English

Code-switching occurs frequently in southwestern Louisiana, especially in Pointe Coupee French. In southwestern Louisiana it is common to hear individuals use Colonial French-Choctaw Patois and Louisiana Creole French. This is typical for many language contact situations.

Code-switching was once viewed as a sign of poor language skills, but it is now understood to be an indication of proficiency in the two languages which a speaker employs. Fluent French speakers frequently alternate from French to American English or Creole, while less proficient speakers usually will not.

1. Il y avait une fois il drivait, il travaillait huit jours on et six jours off. Et il drivait, tu sais, six jours off. Ça le prendrait vingt-quatre heures straight through. Et là il restait quatre jours ici et il retournait. So quand la seconde fois ç’a venu, well, il dit, “Moi, si tu viens pas,” il dit, “je vas pas.” Ça fait que là j’ai été. Boy! Sa pauvre mère. “Vas pas!”

One time he was driving, he was working eight days on and six days off. And he was driving, y’know, six days off. It would take him twenty-four hours straight through. And he would stay here four days and then go back. So when the second time came, well, he said, “If you don’t come,” he said, “I’m not going.” So I went. Boy! His poor mother. “Don’t go!” she said. “Don’t go!”

2. Le samedi après-midi on allait puis…wringer le cou de la volaille. Et le dimanche, well, dimanche ça c’était notre meilleure journée qu’on avait plus de bon manger. Ma mère freezait de la volaille et on avait de la poutine aux craquettes.

Saturday afternoon we would go…wring the chicken’s neck. And on Sunday, well, Sunday, that was our best day for eating well. My mother would freeze some chicken and we would have some poutine aux craquettes.


Шибальба́ (исп. Xibalbá) — название преисподней у майя, находящейся под землей. Название восходит к слову xibil (исчезать). По представлениям майя, владыки Шибальбы́ поражали людей болезнями. Например, владыки Шикирипат и Кучумакик вызывали кровотечения у людей, Ах-Альпух и Ах-Алькана вызывали желтуху (чуканаль), Шик и Патан вызывали горловые кровотечения со смертельным исходом у путешественников.

Шибальба была полна ловушек и опасностей. Даже дорога в Шибальбу была смертельно опасной: по пути нужно было пересечь реку, наполненную скорпионами, затем реку toothpaste dispenser as seen on tv, наполненную кровью, и реку, наполненную гноем. Затем путешественник попадал на перекресток четырёх дорог, которые разговаривали с целью испугать и обмануть путника. Преодолев все опасности, путник попадал в совет Шибальбы, членами которого были владыки Шибальбы. Рядом с ними сидели искусно выполненные чучела, чтобы унизить путников, которые по ошибке приветствовали манекенов. После приветствия путнику предлагали присесть на скамью, которая на самом деле была раскаленной плитой для приготовления пищи. Так владыки Шибальбы развлекались со своими гостями перед тем, как отправить их на одно из смертельных испытаний.

В эпическом произведении народа киче «Пополь-Вух» близнецы Хун-Ахпу и Шбаланке (дети Шкик, дочери вышеупомянутого Кучумакика, которая понесла их от слюны черепа Хун-Хун-Ахпу) спускаются в Шибальбу́ и приносят в жертву её владык, отомстив за отца Хун-Хун-Ахпу и дядю Вукуб-Хун-Ахпу.

По мифам, Шибальба состоит из девяти слоев или уровней. Представлялась змееподобной пещерой или гротом. Вход был — крутой обрыв, предположительно скала.

В Шибальбе находились так называемые «Дома испытаний», где человека подвергали пыткам all football teams t shirts. Сама суть Шибальбы в том, чтобы через пытки отлучить душу человека от тела. Всего упоминалось о пяти «Домах»: Доме Холода, Доме Ягуара, Доме Летучей Мыши (которым управлял Кама Соц, бог в облике летучей мыши-вампира), Доме Обсидиановых Ножей и Доме Мрака. В последнем из них и находились верховные божества Шибальбы glass voss water bottle.

Celeste (song)

Celeste” / “Así Celeste” (Blue) is a song recorded by Italian singer Laura Pausini for her studio album Inedito, serving as the album’s sixth and last single. The song, produced by Paolo Carta, was written by Laura Pausini and Beppe Dati, with the music being composed by Dati and Goffredo Orlandi.

The song was also recorded in a Spanish-language version, titled “Así Celeste“, which was not released as a single outside Italy, Europe and Brazil. Outside the selected countries, Pausini choose a duet version of “Las cosas que no me espero” with Carlos Baute to be the final single.

Pausini confirmed on September 15, 2012 during a fan meeting that she was pregnant, and that originally “Troppo tempo” would be the last single promoting Inedito, but when she discovered her pregnancy she changed her mind to “Celeste.

The song was written by Pausini after many years the press having announced she was pregnant when actually she was not. In her words toddler football socks, the song represents what would she tell her daughter when she born.

Both versions of the song were performed during the Inedito World Tour.

The single was certified gold by the Federation of the Italian Music Industry for domestic downloads exceeding 15,000 units.

Much alike the previous videoclips from “Inedito” dry pak waterproof cell phone case, “Celeste” was directed by the same Gaetano Morbioli and recorded on October 2012.

The video takes place on a simple background at Pausini’s house, with her in front of a piano. Images of dandelions flying and flowers are shown between shots of Pausini herself. During many parts of the music video Pausini is shown crying. In the end, Pausini giggles at the screen and cleans her face.

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Francesco Primaticcio

Francesco Primaticcio (uitspraak: fränchās’kō prēmätēt’chō) (Bologna football fan shirts, 30 april 1504 – 1570) was een Italiaanse schilder. Door de Fransen wordt hij ook wel Le Primatice genoemd waterproof tablet bag. Naast schilder was hij ook beeldhouwer en architect.

Als schilder werd hij bekend als medewerker van de fresco’s van het Palazzo del Tè in Mantua. Hij stond daar onder leiding van Giulio Romano. Zijn eigen werk werd vooral beïnvloed door Antonio da Correggio en Michelangelo. In 1532 werd hij uitgenodigd door de koning van Frankrijk, Frans I om mee te werken aan de decoratie van het koninklijke château in de Franse stad Fontainebleau. Daar hij werkte onder leiding van mede-Italiaan Rosso Fiorentino. Samen met Fiorentino werkte hij aan de fresco’s en gipspleister-ornamentatie van het château. Maar voor dat het project af was overleed Fiorentino, daarna werd Primaticcio de leider van het project glass and rubber water bottle.

Samen met Fiorentino stond Primaticcio aan de wieg van de maniëristische stroming in Fontainebleau. Deze stroming wordt algemeen de School van Fontainebleau genoemd. Daarnaast beïnvloeden ze ook de andere artistieke stromingen van zowel Frankrijk en Italië.

Na het project van het koninklijke château in Fontainebleau bleef hij in koninklijke dienst. Primaticcio werkte onder vier opeenvolgende monarchen. In opdracht schilderde hij de decoratie voor de verschillende koninklijke kastelen en andere gebouwen. Daarnaast ontwierp hij grafmonumenten van zowel Frans I als Henry II.

Van zijn werken in Fontainebleau zijn slechts enkele werken bewaard gebleven. Zo is zijn schilderij met de scènes van de Odyssee in de galerij van Ulysses vernietigd. Dit schilderij wordt door kenners gezien als één van zijn belangrijkste werken. Wel bestaan er nog vele tekeningen voor het project, deze zijn in bezit van verschillende steden. In Parijs zijn er tekeningen te vinden in het Louvre en de École des Beaux Arts en verder in Chantilly en Wenen.

Ismail Ilgun

Ismail Ilgun (Zaandam, 7 mei 1997) is een Nederlands vlogger op YouTube.

Hij maakt Hoodvlogs, waarop hij het leven in zijn wijk Poelenburg laat zien. Hij toonde het leven van de hangplek voor enkele winkels, waar hij vrienden en fans van zijn vlog trof, waaronder veel kinderen. In augustus 2016 trokken zijn Hoodvlogs veel rapfans naar aanleiding van een conflict met rapper Boef. Een maand later kregen zijn vlogs veel kritiek, vanwege de overlast en het vandalisme in de wijk en agressieve acties van jongeren die in enkele filmpjes waren te zien. Ilgun zat hierna drie dagen vast vanwege opruiing. Eind oktober 2016 tekende hij bij het muzieklabel Top Notch.

Ilgun is in Zaandam geboren en is van Turkse komaf. Hij groeide op zonder vader. Zijn scholing volgde hij op het Pascal en Regio College. In 2013 begon hij met het maken van vlogs, waarop hij in het Engels grappen en stunts zette. In deze tijd ontdekte hij dat er met vloggen geld te verdienen viel. Hij probeerde twee jaar tevergeefs om toegelaten te worden tot de Mediaschool. Voor de zomer van 2016 werd hij van school gestuurd omdat hij te vaak spijbelde.

In juli 2016 begon hij met de vlog Hoodvlogs op YouTube. Hood verwijst naar de woonwijk Poelenburg, die al sinds 2007 tot de grootste achterstandswijken van Nederland wordt gerekend. Hier filmt hij het dagelijkse leven om hem heen. Onder invloed van de hiphopcultuur wordt in de filmpjes straattaal gesproken en opgeschept. Ook werd er een keer met bankbiljetten gezwaaid. Er zijn vrienden en kinderen uit de buurt te zien in de filmpjes. Daarnaast komen er gasten langs, zoals het Youtubers collectief Prankster en de rappers Scooby football uniform generator, Rambo, Jozo en Kippie Kopstoot cheap football socks uk. Ook trekt de vlog fans aan; zijn slogan Keen keld, maar wel honger wordt vaak nagezegd.

De sfeer sloeg een enkele keer om in agressie. Een voorbeeld is Hoodvlog #20, waarin een gast Nederlanders uitscheldt en er met een pistool, boksbeugel en stroomstootwapen wordt gedreigd. Deze vlog werd later verwijderd. Een andere keer was in Hoodvlog #8, waarin een fietser tegen zijn hoofd werd geslagen. Hoewel de agressie in zijn Hoodvlogs beperkt bleef tot enkele situaties, werd de mishandeling van de man telkens weer herhaald in de intro van Hoodvlog #15 tot en met #22.

Bemoeienis in de vlog met een vete tussen de Alkmaarse rappers Rambo en Boef, leidde tot aandacht vanuit de rapwereld. Het aantal volgers steeg als gevolg hiervan snel, waardoor de Hoodvlogs al sinds het begin tegen de honderdduizend kijkers per vlog trekken.

De vlogs trokken een steeds groter wordende groep jongeren aan, die voor overlast voor de ingang van de Vomar zorgden en voor vandalisme elders in de wijk. De politie was daarbij doelwit van spot en treiterijen en trad te vriendelijk op volgens een buurtvereniging. Sinds de media het onderwerp op 5 september 2016 oppakten, escaleerde de overlast elke dag meer. Nog diezelfde nacht werden twee auto’s bij de supermarkt in brand gestoken en de avond erna stond een jongen op het dak van een politieauto. Vanaf 8 september kwamen de landelijke media massaal op de buurt af. Ilgun reageerde hier getergd op thermos bottle price, bijvoorbeeld door een cameraploeg van Hart van Nederland de wijk uit te jagen.

Kritiek kwam ook van premier Rutte, die het onderwerp ‘s morgens op 9 september in de ministerraad had besproken. Rutte betitelde de betrokken jongeren in zijn wekelijkse persconferentie als “tuig van de richel”. Deze en een andere uitlating door de premier, vijf dagen eerder, leidden tot twee hevige Kamer-debatten met de oppositie where can i buy water in glass bottles, op 13 september en op 21 september. Rapster/vlogster Des Balentien herinnert Rutte door zijn verwoording aan zijn ambtseed in een video die binnen enkele weken meer dan 100.000 keer werd bekeken.

In de avond van 12 september werden acht jongeren bij de hangplek opgepakt vanwege de overlast. Ilgun werd de volgende ochtend gearresteerd wegens opruiing. Drie dagen later werd hij vrijgelaten met een gebiedsverbod en verplichte begeleiding door de reclassering. Verschillende jongeren kwamen onder toezicht van de politie of Bureau Jeugdzorg te staan. Een aanklacht wegens vermeende bedreiging van een raadslid werd door het OM geseponeerd.

Enkele dagen na zijn vrijlating bood Ilgun via zijn Facebook-pagina excuses aan en erkende hij dat hij fouten had gemaakt. Een dag erna werd hij op straat aangevallen. Hiervoor deed hij aangifte bij de politie. Na een dreigbrief doken hij en zijn moeder enkele dagen onder in Zandvoort.

Na ongeveer drie weken kwam op 2 oktober een nieuwe vlog online. In deze Hoodvlog #34 is Ilgun op bezoek bij Kees de Koning van het hiphoplabel Top Notch. De Koning volgt de Hoodvlogs al sinds het begin, onder meer omdat er onbekende rappers in voorbijkomen. Op 28 oktober tekende Ilgun een contract bij Top Notch. Productmanager David Koster ziet in Ilgun “de stem van een generatie”.

In 2017 maakte Ilgun een serie online documentaires over probleemwijken voor het Algemeen Dagblad.

Kristina Svechinskaya

Aidez à ajouter des liens en plaçant le code [[Kristina Svechinskaya]] dans les articles .

Kristina Vladimirovna Svechinskaya (russe : Кристина Владимировна Свечинская, née le ) est une délinquante financière russe. Alors qu’elle était étudiante à l’université de New York, elle est accusée d’avoir participé à un cercle de fraude bancaire concernant de grosses sommes contre plusieurs banques américaines et anglaises et l’usage de faux papiers. D’après les chefs d’accusations fabric shaver nz, elle a utilisé le rootkit Zeus pour attaquer et infecter des milliers de comptes bancaires et elle a ouvert au moins cinq comptes bancaires chez Bank of America et Wachovia, qui ont reçu environ 35 000$ d’argent volé. Le montant volé, par le biais du skimming, avec neuf autres complices est estimé à environ 3 millions de dollars US. Svechinskaya a été surnommée comme la hackeuse la plus sexy de la planète avec sa façon de s’habiller et elle a également été comparée à Anna Chapman.

Bilingue en anglais, Svechinskaya étudiait à Stavropol State University. D’après sa mère, après la mort de son père holland football shirt, leur famille vivait juste avec un salaire d’environ 12 000 roubles (400 $). Durant sa troisième année, Svechinskaya choisit le programme de travail et de voyage et arrive au Massachusetts où elle se mit à travailler dans un fastfood. Son salaire était peu élevé, et elle déménage à New York où elle s’est mise à travailler en tant que mule d’argent. Elle se faisait offrir entre 8 et 10 % sur l’argent volé.

Une décision de justice la rendit éligible pour une libération avec une caution de 25 000 $. La décision de justice était attendue pour juin 2011. Si elle est effectivement jugée coupable, elle risque 40 ans de prisons. Cela inclut le cercle criminel (30 ans et l’amende de 1 millions de $ USD) et les faux papiers (10 ans et 250 000 $ d’amende).

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1454

United Nations Security Council resolution 1454, adopted on 30 December 2002, after recalling all previous resolutions on Iraq, including resolutions 661 (1991), 986 (1995) small glass bottle, 1284 (1999), 1352 (2001), 1360 (2001), 1382 (2001), 1409 (2002) and 1447 (2002) concerning the Oil-for-Food Programme, the Council adjusted the list of restricted goods (Goods Review List) and procedures for its implementation under the Oil-for-Food Programme. It was the final Security Council resolution adopted in 2002.

The Security Council was convinced of the need for a temporary measure to provide humanitarian assistance to the Iraqi people until the Iraqi government fulfilled the provisions of Resolution 687 (1991) and 1284, and had distributed aid throughout the country equally. It reaffirmed the commitment of all states to Iraq’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, its determination to improve the humanitarian situation and pledge to adjust the Goods Review List cheap football tops online.

Acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Council adjusted the Goods Review List and procedures for its implementation. More than 50 items were added to the Goods Review List. It would conduct a review of the measures within 90 days and before the end of the current extension of the Oil-for-Food Programme, while the Committee established in Resolution 661 was also requested to conduct reviews. The Secretary-General Kofi Annan was instructed to develop consumption rates and use levels for chemicals and medications specified in the annexes of the resolution within 60 days. Finally, the resolution appealed to all states to co-operate in the timely submission of technically complete applications and the issuing of export licences insulated water container.

Resolution 1454 was adopted by 13 votes to none against and two abstentions from Russia and Syria. Russia opposed the “restrictive” nature of the text while Syria noted that Iraq had begun complying with weapons inspections and regretted that the speed of negotiations resulting in the adoption of the current resolution did not allow enough time for examining the list.


Khairagarh is a town in Rajnandgaon District in the Indian state of Chhattisgarh. Administered by a nagar panchayat, Khairagarh city have cbse pattern schools as well as has kvs but not have a wide network of roads and railway tracks.

Khairagarh State was a feudatory state of the former Central Provinces of British India. Pandadah (8 km from khairagarh) is one of the most historical places in Chhattisgarh. The chief, who is descended From the old Nagavansha Rajputs royal family, received the title of Raja, The King, as an hereditary distinction in 1898. The state included a fertile plain, yielding rice.

Khairagarh is located at . It has an average elevation of 307 metres (1007 feet).

Khairagarh is a generally tranquil place, which complements the musical and academic fervor of the university. This part of India has a hot summer between mid-April to mid-June. Besides these two months, the climate is generally pleasant. One may enjoy monsoon, autumn, winter and spring at one place.

As of 2001 India census, Khairagarh had a population of 15,149. Males constitute 51% of the population and females 49%. Khairagarh has an average literacy rate of 73%, higher than the national average of 59.5%: male literacy is 81%, and female literacy is 64%. In Khairagarh, 13% of the population is under 6 years of age.

The three nearby railway stations, Rajnandgaon, Dongargarh, and Durg, are 40, 42 and 55 kilometres away from Khairagarh respectively. Direct trains for Vishakhapatnam, Mumbai, Pune, Ahmedabad, Howrah, Bhubaneswar, Chennai, Trivandrum

Mexico Home CHICHARITO 14 Jerseys

Mexico Home CHICHARITO 14 Jerseys



, Amritsar and New Delhi are available from these railway stations, situated on the main train route of Howrah-Mumbai via Nagpur. The state capital Raipur is a three-hour journey from Khairagarh University. Raipur and Nagpur airports are at a distance of 100 and 225 kilometres, respectively.

The Indira Performing Art and Music University (Indira Kala Sangeet Vishw vidyalaya) is Asia’s first university dedicated to visual and performing arts.

Indira Kala-Sangeet Vishwvidyalaya was established under the Act XIX of 1956 of the Government of Madhya Pradesh. After the creation of the new state of Chhattisgarh in 2001, the Governor of Chhattisgarh is the Chancellor and Administrative cum Academic Head of I. K meat tenderizer uk. S. V. V. Khairagarh.

In 1956, the then-rulers of princely state of Khairagarh donated their palace to open a University of Music and Fine Arts. His Majesty, the late Raja Birendra Bahadur Singh, and Her Majesty, the late Rani Padmavati Devi, named this university after their beloved daughter ‘Indira’.

To join and study at the Indira Kala Sangeet Vishwavidyalaya is a way to enjoy Indian art forms. The university offers a long list of subjects and courses related to diverse art forms like classical vocal music (Hindustani and Carnatic), classical instrumental music (Hindustani and Carnatic), classical dance styles (Kathak and Bharatanatyam), folk dance and music, painting, sculpture, graphics, history of Indian art and culture, and various literatures. The university is involved in teaching and research in Indian performing and visual art forms. The University has forty-five affiliated colleges, one affiliated research center and a good number of recognized examination centers throughout India. The university is one of a kind in India as it provides degree for different forms of classical dance and music. The rest of the universities provide with diploma courses for the same.

Бомштейн, Александр Абрамович

22 ноября 1927(1927-11-22)




 СССР Россия

живописец, театральный художник

Московское художественное училище памяти 1905 года

соцреализм, магический реализм

Александр Абрамович Бомште́йн (1927, Москва — 2007, Москва) – Русский живописец. Член союза художников СССР. Заслуженный художник РСФСР. Главный художник Московского областного театра драмы им. А. Островского.

В 1954-ом году закончил Московское художественное училище памяти 1905-го года. Ученик профессора В.А Шестакова – главного художника театра В. Мейерхольда.

Александр Абрамович оформил более ста спектаклей в Московском областном театре драмы, Московском театре им. Моссовета, Московском театре им. Гоголя, Киевском оперном театре. А также в театрах Болгарии, Чехии, Франции и др. Режиссеры, с которыми работал А. Бомштейн – Г. Товстоногов, Р. Виктюк, Б. Покровский и др. А.А. Бомштейн в своей творческой работе продолжил традиции русской театрально-декорационной школы, характерной особенностью которой было погружение в драматургию и музыку спектаклей. Высочайшая изобразительная культура, глубокое знание материала сделали его театральные работы самостоятельными произведениями искусства.

Избранные работы А

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. Бомштейна являются собственностью министерства культуры Рф, хранятся в музейных собраниях по всему миру

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, а также в Государственном музее изобразительных искусств им. А. С. Пушкина, Государственном Литературном музее, Театральном музее им. А. А. Бахрушина и в частных коллекциях.

Одна из самых авторитетных коллекций в этом ряду – театральная коллекция рода Юсуповых – крупнейшее собрание русского театрально-декорационного искусства. В коллекцию входят работы К. Коровина, И. Билибина, А. Бомштейна, Н. Рериха, Н. Гончаровой и др. В 2015-ом году фондом Юсуповых IRFĒ был издан роскошный каталог «Русские сюжеты». В нем наряду со сценографией И. Билибина, Н. Рериха и др. опубликованы и сценографические шедевры А. А. Бомштейна: эскизы декораций к опере Н.А. Римского-Корсакова “Царская невеста” (1954), эскизы костюмов к опере А. Касьянова “Степан Разин” (1954), эскизы костюмов к балету С. Прокофьева “Царь Борис” (1970-е)

Однако творческий диапазон А. Бомштейна не ограничивался театральными эскизами. Помимо сценографии Александр Бомштейн создавал пейзажи: деревенские, городские, индустриальные; портреты, а также изобретал свои неповторимые фантастические миры.

Большое место в творчестве А.Бомштейна занимала тема мифа и религии. А.Бомштейн автор самобытной иконографии. Наследие А. Бомштейна включает среди прочего иконические портреты русских исторических деятелей – митрополитов и государей, исторические эскизы по мотивам русского средневековья, воображаемую авторскую древность. Образ мрачного русского средневековья является здесь стилевым лейтмотивом.

Бомштейн А.А. участник многочисленных театральных фестивалей и художественных выставок. В 1977-ом, 1979-ом, в 1981-ом состоялись большие персональные выставки А. Бомштейна под патронатом управления культуры Мособлсовета. А картина “Древо Мать” 1976-го года получила гран-при международного фестиваля театрального искусства в Венеции (1992 г.)Последняя (посмертная) выставка “Александр Бомштейн. Творческий путь мастера” с успехом прошла в Московском доме национальностей в 2012-ом году.

Народный биографический справочник включил художника Александра Бомштейна в список знаменитостей, родившихся 22 ноября (наряду с Владимиром Далем, генералом де Голлем и др).

1. Александр Бомштейн. Каталог выставки. Москва. 1977

2. Александр Бомштейн. Десять сказок. Эскизы декораций и костюмов. 1979

3. Александр Бомштейн. По местам гастролей театра. Живопись. Графика. 1981

Pembina County, North Dakota

Pembina County is a county located in the U.S. state of North Dakota. At the 2010 Census its population was 7,413. The county seat is Cavalier.

The area along the Pembina and Red rivers was long inhabited by various indigenous peoples. At the time of European contact, the dominant tribe were the Assiniboine and the Lakota (or Sioux, as the French colonists called them). Later the Ojibwe (or Chippewa) migrated into the area from the east and became the dominant tribe. The people had a long trading relationship with French colonists and supported them during the Seven Years’ War against Great Britain. By the time of the War of 1812, the Ojibwe were allied with the British against the United States, hoping to forestall or slow European-American settlers’ encroaching on their territory. During the first half of the nineteenth century, continuing conflicts between the Lakota and Chippewa along the Red River slowed European-American settlement. The Chippewa pushed the Lakota to the west and became dominant in the area.

The county was created by the 1866–1867 Dakota territorial legislature, and was organized on August 12, 1867. “Pembina” is derived from the Chippewa term for high-bush cranberry, which grew in abundance along the Pembina River. The city of Pembina, the oldest European-American settlement in the state, was the county seat from 1867 to 1911. The seat was relocated to Cavalier.

Cavalier Air Force Station and Icelandic State Park are both located in Pembina County. The first Icelandic immigrant settlement in present-day North Dakota was in Pembina County in the late 1870s, when a colony of settlers from Iceland moved into the county from the New Iceland homesteads near Lake Winnipeg.

For thousands of years, various indigenous peoples inhabited the area along the Pembina and Red rivers. At the time of European contact in the 16th century, the dominant tribes were the Assiniboine and the Lakota (or Sioux, as the French colonists called them). The Ojibwe, also known as Chippewa, a branch of the Anishinaabe-speaking language group, gradually migrated west along both sides of the Great Lakes. They developed a long trading relationship with French trappers and colonists. Throughout the Red River of the North area, French trappers married Native American women, and their descendants continued to hunt and trap. A large mixed-race population developed, recognized as an ethnic First Nations group in Canada called the Métis. The Ojibwe and Métis generally supported the French forces during the Seven Years’ War in the mid-eighteenth century against Great Britain.

With the British defeat of France and takeover of its colonial territory, the Chippewa learned to deal with a new trading culture. Armed with guns by trading and having adopted the horse from the Mandan and Hidatsa, by the end of the eighteenth century the Chippewa had migrated from woodlands to the Great Plains and begun to push the Lakota west before them. By the time of the War of 1812, the Ojibwe allied with the British against the United States, hoping to forestall European-American settlers’ encroaching on their territory. With the settlement of the northern boundary with Canada, the Chippewa within the Dakota Territory were forced to deal with the United States. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the Chippewa had continued conflicts with the Lakota along the Red River, finally pushing them into present-day western North and South Dakota.

Father George Belcourt, a Catholic Jesuit missionary who served them, described their territory in 1849 as the following:

“We understand here, that the district or department called Pembina, comprises all of the country or basin which is irrigated or traversed by the tributaries of the Red River, south of the line of the 49th parallel of latitude. The prairies’ rivers and lakes which extend to the height of land of the Mississippi, and the immense plains which feed innumerable herds of bison to the westward and from which the Chippewa and half breeds [Métis] of this region obtain their subsistence, contains within their limits a country about 400 miles from north to south and more than five hundred miles from east to west.”

The Métis used two-wheeled, ox-drawn carts to transport great quantities of furs to market along the Red River Trails, between what is now Winnipeg, Canada and Mendota or St. Paul, Minnesota. They also used the ox-carts to transport food and shelter during extended buffalo hunts.

Over time, the Ojibwe were persuaded to cede much of their land by treaty to the US, which in turn sold it to homesteaders. They moved to relatively small Indian reservations within their earlier territory.

The precursor to Pembina County was a county of the same name in the Minnesota Territory, extending from the Upper Mississippi River to the western boundary of the territory. When Minnesota became a state in 1858, its western boundary was set at the Red River, and the land to its west was unorganized. A new Pembina County was established as part of the Dakota Territory on January 9, 1867. At the time, it was much larger than it is today. In 1871, the county was expanded to include much of the territory in what is now eastern North Dakota from Canada to the South Dakota border.

Between 1873 and 1881, eleven new counties were created from Pembina, including Cass County and Grand Forks County. Pembina took its current form in 1887, when Cavalier County was increased in size.

The first Icelandic settlements in what is now North Dakota were established in Pembina County in the late 1870s. Many of the immigrants came from New Iceland near Lake Winnipeg, along with other Icelanders who moved into the area from colonies in Wisconsin. The new settlers lived primarily in the so-called “Icelandic Townships” of Akra, Beaulieu, Gardar, and Thingwalla. The State Historical Society of North Dakota reported fewer than 3 or 4 non-Icelandic families living there in the early 1900s. Evidence of this heritage is found in several township and city names with Icelandic origins. Akra was named after the town of Akranes, near Reykjavík; Gardar was named for Gardar Svavarsson, who was reportedly the first Scandinavian to visit Iceland green goalkeeper gloves; and Hallsson was named for an early settler, Johann P. Hallson.

Icelandic State Park, located in Akra, was established to preserve evidence of this early pioneer heritage.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the county has a total area of 1,121 square miles (2,900 km2), of which 1,119 square miles (2,900 km2) is land and 2.7 square miles (7.0 km2) (0.2%) is water. The lowest point in the state of North Dakota is located on the Red River of the North in Pembina Township in Pembina County, where it flows out of North Dakota and into the Canada–US border of Manitoba.

At the 2000 Census, there were 8,585 people, 3,535 households and 2,364 families residing in the county. The population density was 8 per square mile (3/km²), with the bulk of the population centered in the cities. Housing density was 4 units per square mile (1/km²) with 4,115 housing units in the county. Racially, the county is predominately White, at more than 95%. There is a small population (1.43%) of Native Americans (1.43%) in the county. African Americans and Asian combined make up less than 1% of the total. 0.21% 1.27% are from other races, and 1.44% from two or more races. Hispanics or Latinos made up a little more than 3% of the population. Early in the county’s history, there was a large influx of settlers from Iceland. By 2000 the Census Bureau reported that Icelanders made up just 7.9% of the population, third after Norwegian (25.0%) and German (24.0%). French and English and 6.6% ranked fourth and fifth, with 7.9% and 6.6% respectively.

There were 3,535 households of which 29.8% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 58.2% were married couples living together, 5 the best water bottles to buy.3% had a female householder with no husband present, and 33.1% were non-families. 30.5% of all households were made up of individuals and 15.7% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.38 and the average family size was 2.98.

Nearly 80% of the county was under the age of 65 at the 2000 census, with children under the age of 18 taking up nearly a quarter (24.9%) of the population followed by 45- to 64-year-olds (24.8%) and 25- to 44-year-olds (24.6%). Those over the age of 65 were 19.5% the population, with 18- to 24-year-olds at 6.2%. The median age was 42 years. For every 100 females there were 100.6 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 100.2 males.

The median household income fwas $36,430 and the median family income was $45,338. Males had a median income of $30,400 compared with $21,340 for females. The per capita income was $18,692. About 7.4% of families and 9.2% of the population were below the poverty line, including 10.7% of those under age 18 and 9.9% of those age 65 or over.

As of the 2010 United States Census, there were 7,413 people, 3,257 households, and 2,069 families residing in the county. The population density was 6.6 inhabitants per square mile (2.5/km2). There were 3,859 housing units at an average density of 3.4 per square mile (1.3/km2). The racial makeup of the county was 95.5% white, 1.9% American Indian, 0.3% black or African American, 0.1% Asian, 0.8% from other races, and 1.3% from two or more races. Those of Hispanic or Latino origin made up 2.6% of the population. In terms of ancestry, 33.8% were German, 21.3% were Norwegian, 10.6% were Irish, 9.5% were English, 8.0% were American, and 5.5% were Swedish.

Of the 3,257 households, 24.5% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 54.2% were married couples living together, 5.6% had a female householder with no husband present, 36.5% were non-families, and 32.4% of all households were made up of individuals. The average household size was 2.23 and the average family size was 2.82. The median age was 46.7 years.

The median income for a household in the county was $48,502 and the median income for a family was $61,804. Males had a median income of $40,334 versus $29,662 for females. The per capita income for the county was $27,019. About 4.0% of families and 8.0% of the population were below the poverty line, including 9.5% of those under age 18 and 11.3% of those age 65 or over.