Monthly Archives: January 2017

Vlaams Blok

The Vlaams Blok (English: Flemish Block, or VB) was a Belgian far-right and secessionist political party with an anti-immigration platform. Its ideologies embraced Flemish nationalism, calling for the independence of Flanders. From its creation in 1978, it was the most notable militant right wing of the Flemish movement. Vlaams Blok’s track record in the Flemish and Belgian parliament elections was strong. The election campaigns consisted mainly of the immigration and law-and-order theme, combined with the desire for Flemish autonomy.

All significant Flemish political parties were reluctant to enter coalitions with the Vlaams Blok. Following a 1989 agreement, known as the cordon sanitaire, the party was effectively blocked from entering any level of government. The Court of Appeal in Ghent in April 2004 ruled that some of the party’s organizations had breached the 1981 anti-racism law and that the party sanctioned discrimination. The ruling was made definite on 9 November 2004, and the party shortly after reorganised itself as the Vlaams Belang. By 2004, the party had arguably become the single most popular Flemish party in Belgium, supported by about one in four of the Flemish electorate, as well as being one of the most successful radical right-wing populist parties in Europe as a whole.

The Vlaams Blok originated from the loose Flemish Movement, which historically has included an array of organisations seeking, to varying degrees, to promote Flanders. In the second half of the nineteenth century, Flemish nationalists operated within the established political parties, and had close ties with the political left. The early organised political expression of Flemish nationalism was triggered by World War I, and the introduction of universal suffrage and proportional representation in elections. The main party that initially represented the movement was the left-wing nationalist Front Party, founded by former soldiers and sympathizers from the trench wars in Flanders Fields disaffected with their French-speaking, often anti-Flemish, officers that had been unable to communicate with their troops. From the 1930s, the main party became the Flemish National Union which turned to collaborate with the Nazis during World War II, as they had promised them increased Flemish autonomy. These circumstances would compromise the re-emergence of Flemish nationalism after the war, although only a faction of the broader movement had actually pursued an agenda of collaboration.

The direct predecessor to the Vlaams Blok was the People’s Union, which was founded in 1954 as the successor to the Christian Flemish People’s Union electoral alliance, that had successfully run for election earlier the same year. The party had been careful to choose its leaders from nationalist circles that had not collaborated with the Nazis. While Flemish separatists had been suspicious of the People’s Union since its outset, it became clear by the 1970s that the party had moved to a moderate left-liberal course, which led to the defection of its more radical members. The remaining nationalist hardliners finally rejected the party’s participation in a new five-party government coalition in 1977, and particularly the Egmont pact, believing it had conceded too much to the francophone government parties.

In late 1977, the rejection of the Egmont pact by the hardliner faction of the People’s Union led to the establishment of two new (short-lived) parties; the radical nationalist Flemish National Party (VNP) and the national liberal Flemish People’s Party (VVP), respectively led by Karel Dillen and Lode Claes. The parties contested the 1978 general elections in a coalition called “Vlaams Blok”, where they won 1.4% of the vote and one seat in the Chamber of Representatives (taken by Dillen). On 28 May 1979, the VNP and VVP finally merged to form a new party named Vlaams Blok, and Dillen was nominated to be the party’s leader for life. The party initially recruited its members from Flemish nationalist organisations, such as the Taal Aktie Komitee, Voorpost, Were Di, and the Order of Flemish Militants, while some local groups also simply turned into local branches of the Vlaams Blok. In its inception, the party was widely regarded as a conservative separatist party, rather than an extreme right-wing party.

The party did not have much electoral success at first, and was stable at one seat in the 1981 general elections. It stood candidates in very few communities, and was active almost entirely in the city of Antwerp. Having been founded mainly as a protest against the Egmont pact, the party revamped and broadened its platform after the pact collapsed. It did not make much progress in the 1985 general elections, and Dillen thus started the so-called “Operation Rejuvenation”, allowing for an across-the-board change of the party leadership, integrating many leaders of nationalist youth and student organisations into the party council. The party’s youth organisation, the Vlaams Blok Jongeren (VBJ), was founded in 1987 by among others Filip Dewinter and Frank Vanhecke.

Starting in 1983, the Vlaams Blok increasingly began focusing on immigration (inspired by the success of other European right-wing populist parties), and on the international day against racism in 1984 held its first conference to discuss the “foreigner problem team soccer uniforms.” The same year, Dillen proposed a bill in the Chamber of Representatives to offer cash incentive for immigrants to return to their native country. In April 1987, a group around Roger Frankinouille of the only right-wing competitor to the Vlaams Blok, the anti-tax Respect for Labour and Democracy, switched to the party. The party campaigned for the 1987 general election with the slogan “Own people first” (Eigen volk eerst!, inspired by French National Front slogan “The French first”), and saw a slight victory, winning their first seat in Senate (taken by Dillen), and for the first time two seats in the Chamber (Dewinter and Annemans). The party’s shift towards focusing on immigration was however criticised by some Vlaams Blok members, and ultimately also led to the defection of some top party figures. The party nevertheless made a clear choice of focussing on the immigration issue, which had, and would, give results in elections.

The electoral success of the Vlaams Blok began after the younger generation in the party shifted the party’s emphasis from Flemish nationalism (separatism) to the immigration issue. In the 1988 local election in Antwerp the party first started to take off, going from 5.5% of the vote in the city to 17.7%, a success which drew much publicity. On 10 May 1989, based on the Antwerp success, the presidents of all major Belgian parties (including the People’s Union) signed a cordon sanitaire (hygienic barrier), where the parties agreed to never conclude any political agreements with the Vlaams Blok, nor make immigration a political issue. While the Vlaams Blok itself also largely rejected cooperation with other parties, it did increasingly consider such cooperation, particularly in elections in 1994, 1999 and 2000, only to find themselves effectively blocked by the cordon sanitaire. Although intended to keep the Vlaams Blok from gaining political influence, many argued that the agreement in reality gave room for the strong electoral surge for the party, as it was made into what could be seen as the only “true opposition.” The agreement was renewed in following years, and Vlaams Blok chairman Karel Dillen was used to call it the “insurance policy” of his party;

“I was basically very happy with its existence. There was something a bit too much about it: everybody against us. If the sense is that there is a hunt out for us, then this will only drive people to take the side of the outlaw.”

In December 1988, a major split occurred in the party, when a group who opposed the “Operation Rejuvenation” tried to squeeze the Dewinter-VBJ faction out of the party leadership. Led by Geert Wouters, he accused Dewinter’s faction of being “Lepenists”, and of attempting to sideline the Flemish question to rather favour the immigration question. Dillen however sided with Dewinter, and Wouters and his group left the party and founded the nationalist pressure group called the Nationalist Association-Dutch People’s Movement. In 1989, the party won a seat in the Brussels city council, as well as in the European Parliament. There, the Vlaams Blok agreed to form a parliamentary group together with the French National Front and the German The Republicans, called the Technical Group of the European Right. The group lacked an ideological coherence (stemming in part from Le Pen’s support for a Belgian state nationalism), and was largely organised on pragmatic grounds simply to get financial support.

In the 1991 general election, the Vlaams Blok for the first time surpassed the People’s Union, going from two to 12 seats in the Chamber, and from one to five seats in the Senate, in what was afterwards referred to by its opponents as “Black Sunday”. In the following years, the party saw a systematic upwards trend in all elections it participated in. In July 1992, the first Vlaams Blok motion was accepted in the Flemish Parliament, which rejected the right of francophone inhabitants in Flemish Brabant and Voeren to vote for Wallon institutions. In late 1992, it was announced that Staf Neel, a popular Antwerp city councillor for 22 years for the Socialist Party went over to the Vlaams Blok, thereby causing the SP and CVP to lose their majority in the city council. In 1992, the party ideologue Filip Dewinter and chairman Karel Dillen established the party’s comprehensive immigration program, titled the 70-point plan. The plan sought to close the borders towards non-European immigrants, gradually repatriate those already in the country, and implement an “own people first” principle in all policy areas. Over the course of the 1990s, the party however increasingly distanced itself from the plan as it had alienated the party from gaining political influence, until it was finally officially discarded in 2000.

In the 1994 European election, the party doubled its seats (Dillen and Vanhecke) with 12.6% of the vote, but failed to continue a European Right group, due to other nationalist parties having dropped out of the parliament, or refusing to join a group. National Front and Vlaams Blok MEPs nevertheless established an “alliance” called The Coordination of the European Right. In 1996, party leader Karel Dillen, who had been nominated to hold his position for life, stepped down and personally appointed Frank Vanhecke as his successor. The choice of Vanhecke was seen a compromise between the Flemish nationalist wing around Annemans and the Lepenist wing around Dewinter, thus avoiding a potential internal struggle. In 1999, elections were scheduled for the European Parliament, the Chamber of Representatives and Senate and the Flemish Parliament, where the Vlaams Blok overtook the position as the third largest Flemish party, winning more than 15% of the vote in all elections, and a total of 45 seats in the various parliaments.

The Vlaams Blok continued to be particularly strong in and around Antwerp, where it received as much as 33% of the vote in the 2000 local elections. In 2001, the party was forced to alter its political program, as according to the laws for party financing, it was not compatible with the European Treaty on Human Rights. In the 2004 Flemish Parliament election, the party finally became the single largest party group in parliament. The party was invited by the formateur for government discussions, only to find that its differences with the other parties was insurmountable, resulting in the three traditional parties forming a majority government, retaining the cordon sanitaire. By this time, the party had nevertheless become the very most popular Flemish party in Belgium, being supported by about one in four of the Flemish electorate.

In October 2000, the Centre for Equal Opportunities and Opposition to Racism, together with the Dutch-speaking Human Rights League in Belgium registered a complaint at the Correctional Court, in which they claimed that three non-profit organisations connected to the Vlaams Blok (its education and research office and the “National Broadcasting Corporation”) had violated the 1981 anti-racism law. The publications which were referred to included its 1999 election agenda and 1997 party platform. The challenged passages included those where the party called for a separate education system for foreign children, a special tax for employers employing non-European foreigners, and a restriction of unemployment benefits and child allowances for non-European foreigners.

“Today, our party has been killed, not by the electorate but by the judges.”

In June 2001, the Brussels Correctional Court declared itself incompetent to hear the case, as it related to political misconduct. In February 2003, the Brussels Appellate Court followed and gave a similar judgement. The original plaintiffs then appealed, and the case was sent to the Court of Appeals in Ghent, which upheld the complaint; the Vlaams Blok non-profit organisations were fined, and it was deemed that the Vlaams Blok was an organisation that sanctioned discrimination. The Vlaams Blok lodged an appeal which was rejected, and in November 2004, the ruling was made definite, when it was upheld by the Court of Cassation. The ruling meant that the party would lose access to state funding and access to television, effectively shutting the party down.

The whole trial was seen by some as a political trial, inspired by the Belgian establishment. The federal parliament had notably amended the Constitution in order to create legal possibilities to condemn the party. The Vlaams Blok also pointed at the problem of political nomination of judges, and again claimed that the lawsuit had been a political process coordinated with the Belgian Ministry of the Interior.

The leadership of the Vlaams Blok seized the occasion of the ban to dissolve the party, and start afresh under a new name. Five days later, on 14 November, the Vlaams Blok disbanded itself, and a new party with the name Vlaams Belang was established. (Other proposed names included the Flemish People’s Party and Flemish Freedom Front.) The new party instituted a number of changes in its political program, carefully moderating some of the more extreme positions of the former Vlaams Blok. Nevertheless, the party leadership made it clear that the party would fundamentally remain the same.

Professor Lamine (KUL), a former Vlaams Blok member and “advisor” of the party’s legal team, claimed that the party, for propaganda reasons, purposely undertook a weak defence, in order to lose the case; “For the party leaders, losing was much more interesting. Winning just wasn’t an option.” Lamine himself had earlier stated that the party should have carried the trial to the European Court of Human Rights, but Vlaams Blok senator Joris Van Hauthem had already stated in 2005, that; “If we had gone to Strasbourg [ECHR] based on procedural arguments, we might have had a case. But Lamine already put in a private claim to overturn the Appeals Court verdict, on the basis of substantive arguments. If Vlaams Belang were to put forth a claim against the verdict as well, at Strasbourg, the Court will bundle both cases. Then we would lose the case for sure. Lamine has thus given us the final blow.”

The main ideological and political strategies of the Vlaams Blok started out with its radical nationalist rejection of the People’s Union compromise on the Flemish autonomy issue, later to be followed by focus on immigration and security, exploitation of corruption and other scandals, and defense of traditional values. While the party was legitimized first and foremost by its defense of Flemish interests, its voters were mainly motivated by anti-immigration and anti-establishment protest.

The main issue for the party was Flemish nationalism, and most issues that were added later, were in some way also connected to this. The Flemish nationalism promoted by the party (volksnationalisme) was according to its program “based on the ethnic community being a naturally occurring entity whose cultural, material, ethical and intellectual interests need to be preserved.” While the party primarily worked for an independent Flemish state (modeling the split on that of Czechoslovakia), it for a long time also promoted the idea that the new state should merge with the Netherlands, and establish a Dutch-speaking federation (Greater Netherlands). From the 1990s however, the latter idea was downplayed by the party, as the Netherlands then turned into a “permissive, multicultural and social-democratic state” according to one scholar (although this Dutch political situation would be sharply overturned in the 2000s).

Immigration became an important issue for the Vlaams Blok from the late 1980s. Interconnected with the Flemish nationalism issue, immigrants were considered to be a threat to the Flemish ethnic community. In 1992, the party established its 70-point plan, which included measures to stop all immigration, return most immigrants to their native countries by force, and legally discriminate against residing migrants in respect of markets such as labour, housing and education wholesale football gear. The party’s opponents particularly saw its immigration program as a source of claims of racism, and the party thus in its latest years downplayed the relevance of the 70-point plan, and softened its written positions regarding immigration.

Concerns about crime and security was also linked to immigration, as the party particularly blamed Turks and Moroccans for various criminal activity, and sought a zero tolerance approach regarding law and order. The party was also strongly anti-Islamic from early on, and in its 1993 program regarded Islam as “a doctrine, which preaches holy war, assassination, forced conversions, oppression of women, slavery and extermination of “infidels”, [which] will automatically lead to what we now call fundamentalism.” The party was anti-Muslim and portrayed Muslims as fifth column of a cruel and expansionist religion, and after the 1990 Gulf War called on the government to introduce measures to keep Belgium from being Islamised.

The party was according to political scientist Cas Mudde only very rarely accused of anti-Semitism – and even then, it was strongly condemned by the party leadership. When Roeland Raes cast doubt on the scale of the Holocaust in a television interview in 2001 for instance, the party leadership immediately called an emergency meeting, distanced itself from him and forced him to resign. The party also took screening measures against its local candidates to reveal any possible extremist connections, and rather wanted to risk not being able to fill its lists, rather than filling them with extremists. Particularly, the party wanted to distance itself from Holocaust denial, as it actively sought to reach out to Jewish voters in Antwerp.

Another element in the ideology of the party was a populist fight against the political establishment, often manifested through political scandals which flourished in 1990s Belgium; including corruption, food and even pedophile scandals. These included the Agusta scandal and the Marc Dutroux affair. The usual suspects were politicians in the three traditional party families; especially the francophone parties.

The party had no strong economic preferences, and generally supported a mixed economy. While it supported privatisation and tax reductions for small and medium businesses, it also sometimes supported protectionism and defended the welfare state, especially if allocated to the native Flemish population.

The party was the only major Belgian party that opposed Belgium’s membership of the European Union, as well as the idea of a federal Europe itself. It however defended a con-federal Europe based on sovereign culturally homogeneous nation-states. The European issue was however not an issue the party promoted much.

It also favoured the abolition of the United Nations, citing; “The illogical composition of the Security Council. The unwieldy bureaucracy. The democratic deficit.” The party did also not have any faith in such a world community or international legal system, questioning the entire logic behind the UN antique meat tenderizer. It rejected the view of any international consensus about concepts as democracy, justice, freedom and human rights, especially since most of its member countries are non-Western and undemocratic.

The Vlaams Blok maintained good contacts with nationalist parties throughout Europe and other countries. The Vlaams Blok did traditionally have the closest contacts with Dutch and South African far-right groups, including the Dutch Centre Party ’86, the Centre Democrats and Voorpost, and the South African Boerestaat Party. In the mid-1980s, it also established close relations particularly with the French National Front, as well as the German People’s Union, The Republicans and National Democratic Party of Germany glass water bottle uk. In the 1990s, it supported the minor Dutch Block party, which had modeled itself directly on the Vlaams Blok.

The party also became very active in establishing contacts with post-communist parties in Eastern European countries, including the Croatian Party of Rights, Slovak National Party and IMRO – Bulgarian National Movement. While not keeping official contacts, it was in addition very supportive of left-wing nationalist parties such as the Scottish National Party, Irish Sinn Féin and Basque Herri Batasuna. Some of the parties it established contacts with most recently was the Freedom Party of Austria and the Italian Lega Nord, which after a period of distrust, maintained contacts since 2002.

Note that the election results in elections other than those for the Flemish Parliament (and the Dutch-speaking electoral college in the European Parliament) gives a somewhat wrong image of the party’s support, given that the party only ran in Flanders, the one half of Belgium.

Results in the Dutch-speaking electoral college is given in the parenthesis.

Steve Perryman

Stephen John “Steve” Perryman (ur. 21 grudnia 1951) – angielski piłkarz grający na pozycji pomocnika. W 1982 roku został wybrany piłkarzem roku w Anglii przez Stowarzyszenie Dziennikarzy Piłkarskich.

Perryman grał na pozycji pomocnika, a w końcówce kariery był obrońcą. W latach 1969–1986 występował w Tottenham Hotspur best workout bottle, gdzie jest rekordzistą pod względem występów. Z londyńską drużyną dwukrotnie zdobywał Puchar UEFA (1972, 1984), Puchar Anglii (1981 disposable socks wholesale, 1982) i Puchar Ligi Angielskiej (1971, 1973).

Po odejściu z White Hart Lane był zawodnikiem Oxford United, a następnie został grającym trenerem Brentford. W 1990 roku zakończył karierę piłkarską i skupił się na trenerce.

Perryman w latach 1990–1993 był trenerem Watford. Następnie trenował kluby zagraniczne, Start w Norwegii, Shimizu S-Pulse i Kashiwa Reysol w Japonii. W listopadzie 1994 był tymczasowym trenerem Tottenhamu Hotspur.

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Diana Neave, Baroness Airey of Abingdon

Diana Josceline Barbara Neave, Baroness Airey of Abingdon (* 7. Juli 1919; † 27. November 1992 in Charlbury, Oxfordshire) war eine britische Politikerin der Conservative Party. Seit August 1979 war sie als Life Peeress Mitglied des House of Lords.

Diana Josceline Barbara Giffard, Baroness Airey of Abingdon wurde als Tochter von Thomas Arthur Walter Giffard, MBE, und dessen Ehefrau Angela Erskine Trollope (1896–1965), der älteren Tochter und Erbin von Sir William Henry Trollope, 10. Baronet, geboren. Ihre Eltern lebten in Chillington Hall, Wolverhampton in der Grafschaft Staffordshire. Ihr Vater war Deputy Lieutenant (DL) für die Grafschaft Staffordshire und Friedensrichter.

Gifford wurde in eine wohlhabende Familie hineingeboren striped football socks. Sie erhielt Privatunterricht und besuchte Schulen im Ausland. Während des Zweiten Weltkriegs arbeitete sie als Krankenschwester in einem Krankenhaus der Royal Air Force. Ihr politisches und diplomatisches Talent wurde durch einen Mitarbeiter des Foreign Office entdeckt. Sie wurde zum Britischen Geheimdienst abgeordnet und arbeitete als Geheimdienstoffizier und Verbindungsoffizier im War Office. Sie war insbesondere als Verbindungsoffizier zur Polnischen Exilregierung in London eingesetzt.

Im War Office lernte sie auch ihren späteren Ehemann, den britischen Armeeoffizier, Barrister und späteren Politiker der Conservative Party Airey Neave kennen. Beide waren mit streng geheimen und vertraulichen politischen Angelegenheiten beschäftigt; sie sprachen jedoch nie miteinander über ihre jeweiligen geheimen Aufgaben im War Office. Airey Neave wurde 1953 für den Wahlkreis Abingdon ins House of Commons gewählt. Neave unterstützte in den folgenden Jahren die politische Arbeit ihres Mannes; sie war Gastgeberin bei Einladungen und Dinnerpartys und übernahm Wohltätigkeitsaufgaben im Wahlkreis ihres Ehemanns. Sie arbeitete ehrenamtlich für das Conservative Central Office. Airey Neave wurde im März 1979, durch eine Autobombe, die unter seinem Wagen explodierte, als er aus der Parkplatzanlage des Palace of Westminster herausfuhr water packs for runners, getötet. Die Irish National Liberation Army (INLA) bekannte sich zu seiner Ermordung.

In späteren Jahren war sie Treuhänderin (Trustee) des National Heritage Memorial Fund, des Dorneywood Trust und der Stansted Park Foundation. Sie war Präsidentin (President) der Anglo-Polish Conservative Society. Sie war außerdem Treuhänderin des Imperial War Museum, eine Aufgabe, der sie sich mit besonderem Interesse widmete.

Teile ihres Briefwechsels mit Margaret Thatcher befinden sich im Nachlass Thatchers im Churchill College der University of Cambridge.

Am 6. August 1979 wurde Naeve zur Life Peeress ernannt und wurde Mitglied des House of Lords; sie trug den Titel Baroness Airey of Abingdon, of Abingdon in the County of Oxford. Im House of Lords saß sie für die Conservative Party. Am 7. November 1979 wurde sie lemon juicer manual, mit Unterstützung von Peter Thorneycroft, Baron Thorneycroft of Dunton und Janet Young, Baroness Young, offiziell ins House of Lords eingeführt. Ihre Antrittsrede hielt sie am 12. Februar 1980 zur National Heritage Bill.

Im Hansard sind Wortbeiträge Neaves im House of Lords aus den Jahren von 1980 bis 1986 dokumentiert. Am 16. April 1986 meldete sie sich in der Sizewell Power Stations-Debatte letztmals zu Wort.

Im House of Lords war sie 1986–1987 Mitglied des Sonderausschusses mit Zuständigkeit für die Europäischen Gemeinschaften (Select Committee on European Communities; Sub-Committee F). Sie vertrat 1983–1984 das Vereinigte Königreich als Mitglied in der North Atlantic Assembly.

Diana Josceline Barbara Giffard heiratete am 29. Dezember 1942 Airey Neave, den älteren Sohn und das älteste Kind von Sheffield Airey Neave (1879–1961) und dessen erster Ehefrau Dorothy Middleton († 1943); Sheffield Airey Naeve selbst war der Enkel von Sir Thomas Neave, 2. Baronet aus der Linie der Neave Baronets. Sie trug den Ehenamen Naeve. 1979 nahm sie den Namen Neave als ersten Nachnamen (Rufnamen) an, mit Airey als zweiten Nachnamen und Zusatznamen.

The Globe Inn

The Globe Inn ist eine Gaststätte in der schottischen Stadt Dumfries in der Council Area Dumfries and Galloway. 1961 wurde das Bauwerk in die schottischen Denkmallisten in der höchsten Denkmalkategorie&nbsp reusable bottles;A aufgenommen.

Das im Jahre 1610 eröffnete Globe Inn zählt zu den ältesten bis heute betriebenen Gastronomiebetrieben in Schottland. Weitere Bekanntheit erlangte er als Lieblingsgaststätte des Dichters Robert Burns, der 1796 schrieb: …the Globe Tavern here, which these many years has been my Howff… („…das Globe Inn, das so viele Jahre mein Lieblingsort war…“). In der Gaststätte sind zahlreiche Erinnerungsstücke an Burns ausgestellt. 1819 fand dort das erste der heute traditionell jährlich abgehaltenen Burns Supper statt.

Das zweistöckige Gebäude liegt in einer schmalen Gasse zwischen High Street und Shakespeare Street im Zentrum von Dumfries. Das Gebäude stammt aus der Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts. Im Innenraum sind noch zahlreiche Holzarbeiten aus dieser Zeit erhalten, während sich das Gebäude durch Erweiterungen und Überarbeitungen nicht mehr vollständig im Ursprungszustand befindet cheap original jerseys. Die Jahresangabe 1696 auf einem Stein an der Ostseite stammt aus einem früheren Gebäude und wurde nachträglich in das Backsteinmauerwerk eingesetzt. Das Gebäude ist entlang der südexponierten Frontseite sechs Achsen weit. Die Eingangstüre mit hölzerner Verdachung ist versetzt von der Mitte eingelassen, wodurch die Symmetrie gebrochen ist. Es wurden kleinteilige Sprossenfenster verbaut. Das abschließenden Satteldach ist mit Schiefer eingedeckt.

Koordinaten:

Burgus von Mittelstrimmig

Der Burgus von Mittelstrimmig ist eine spätrömische Befestigung (burgus) in Mittelstrimmig, Kreis Cochem-Zell. Der burgus liegt in der Nähe des vicus von Mittelstrimmig und einer römischen Straße wholesale boxers and socks.

Im Jahr 1908 wurde beim Ortsteil Liesenich im Distrikt „auf der Mauer“ eine Inschrift gefunden, die auf drei Steinblöcken angebracht ist. Bei dem mittleren Teil, einem Kalkstein, handelt es sich um eine Spolie, die aus erster Verwendung eine Inschrift wohl einer Tempelweihung trägt. Auf der Rückseite und den beiden seitlichen Blöcken aus Buntsandstein findet sich die (unvollständige) Bauinschrift des burgus.

„Qui burgum (a)edificaverunt Lup(ulinius) Am/minus pr(a)efectus Sab(inius) Acceptio Vid(ucius) / Perpetu(u)s Fl(a)v(ius) Tasgillus CO() Lepidus / Min(ucius) Luppus cum C(a)es(ius) Ursulus paratus / est Victorino Augusto et / Sa(n)cto co(n)s(ulibus) X Kal(endas) Iunias“

Besonders interessant ist, dass hier die Benennung einer Befestigung als burgus durch einen archäologischen Fund gegeben ist. Neben den Erbauern sind hier auch Victorinus, einer der Kaiser des Imperium Galliarum sowie sein Mitkonsul Sa(n)ctus genannt. Die Inschrift bietet darüber eine genaue Datierung auf den 23 red football socks. Mai. In der älteren Forschung wird als Erbauungsjahr 268 oder 269 genannt, in der jüngeren Literatur wird das Jahr 270 favorisiert.

Der burgus selbst konnte erst ein knappes Jahrhundert später mit Hilfe einer Magnetometerprospektion lokalisiert und beschrieben werden touchless toothpaste dispenser. Erkennbar ist ein rechteckiges Innengebäude mit einer Ausdehnung von 13 × 18 m, das von einer quadratischen Umfassung mit abgerundeten Ecken mit zwei Gräben umgeben ist. Diese Bauform wird auch bei anderen burgi beobachtet, das zentrale Gebäude lässt sich als Turm interpretieren.

In der Nähe der Befestigung wurden 2011 zwei Hortfunde ausgegraben. Entdeckt wurden ein Depot mit Bronzegefäßen sowie Keramikgefäße mit mehr als 25.000 Bronzemünzen constantinischer Zeit.

Koordinaten:

Rubus phoenicolasius

Rubus phoenicolasius, detto anche uva giapponese, è un arbusto appartenente alla famiglia Rosacee nativo del nord della Cina, Giappone e Corea. La specie è stata introdotta in Europa e Nord America come pianta ornamentale e per il suo potenziale nella produzione di ibridi di lamponi. Successivamente si è diffusa anche all’esterno della coltivazione ed è divenuta pianta spontanea, talvolta naturalizzata, in alcune parti d’Europa e in Nord America orientale.

La specie è una pianta perenne che produce rami biennali dal sistema di radici perenni. Nel suo primo anno, si dirama un nuovo stelo che cresce vigorosamente per tutta la sua altezza di 1-3 m, ramificato, e portante foglie pinnate, in numero di tre o cinque foglioline, e normalmente non produce alcun fiore. Nel suo secondo anno, lo stelo non cresce ulteriormente, ma produce diversi germogli laterali, che portano foglie più piccole sempre con tre foglioline, le foglie sono di colore bianco.

I fiori sono prodotti nella tarda primavera, con un breve e molto ispido racemo in punta ai germogli laterali. Ogni fiore ha un diametro di circa 6-10 mm , con cinque petali, dal rosso porpora al rosa, e un ispido calice. Il frutto è arancione o rosso, di circa 1 cm di diametro meat tenderiser ingredients, commestibile, prodottio in estate o inizio autunno. In terminologia botanica non è un bacca ma un frutto aggregato composto da numerosi drupe che crescono attorno ad un nucleo centrale dry phone case. La maturazione avviene da inizio estate. Gli steli hanno peli ghiandolari rossi. Questi peli rossi danno alle specie il suo nome scientifico dal latino phoenicus che significa rosso.

Oltre che dalle sementi la propagazione di nuovi impianti avvengono per talea degli steli che toccano il suolo. Godono di terreno umido e crescono nei pressi e all’interno di aree boschive.

Quando il frutto si sviluppa, viene circondato da un calice protettivo coperto di peli che trasudano piccole gocce di liquido appiccicoso. Uno studio del 2009 di Sina Pohl presso l’Università di Vienna ha dimostrato che le piante non ricevono le sostanze nutritive dagli insetti catturati nella linfa: la mucillagine appiccicosa non contiene enzimi digestivi; tessuti circostanti non possono assorbire le sostanze nutritive, e non ci sono tessuti che immagazzinano proteine. Inoltre, a differenza delle piante carnivore, il Rubus phoenicolasius cresce in terreno ricco di sostanze nutritive, quindi non ha bisogno di insetti per il suo nutrimento.

Crescono spontaneamente in gran parte del Nord America football knee socks. Essi sono comuni lungo i bordi dei campi e delle strade, ma non sono ampiamente coltivati. Si tratta di una delle piante selvatiche commestibili più facilmente individuabili in Nord America. Altre piante possono essere scambiate per essa come il lampone rosso, il lampone nero e le more, che sono altrettanto commestibili. Chi inizia a raccogliere frutti selvatici spesso inizia con la raccolta di frutti di rovo. Le bacche mature sono dolci e aspre, con un sapore simile al lampone.

I frutti vengono utilizzati per la guarnitura di torte o dolci in genere.

Money Grants for Little League Baseball

Little League baseball started in 1938 when Carl Stotz organized a baseball league for the boys in his hometown of Williamsport, Pennsylvania. A year later, he formed a board of directors and they took the name Little League. Sponsorships were $30 to help pay for equipment and uniforms for 30 players, according to Little League Online. Since that time, grants and other funding have been an important part of keeping the tradition alive.
Corporate partnerships, including national sponsorships, assist the organization around the globe. For more than 50 years, Little League has partnered with major corporations, which offer expertise in fund-raising, operations and safety, Little League Online notes. Sponsors also offer discounts, equipment, products and technical support

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, the organization reports. To see the most up-to-date list of national sponsors, visit the Little League Online website.
Statewide Little League organizations also have sponsorships and fundraisers to help support their teams. Bank of America is listed as the 2011 sponsor of Massachusetts Little League, which also has an online fundraising effort ongoing. The state¡¯s Little League website has links to several fundraisers.
A joint initiative between Major League Baseball and the Major League Baseball Players Association, the Baseball Tomorrow Fund or BTF was established in 1999 through a $10 million commitment by the two groups. The mission of BTF is to promote the growth of youth participation in baseball and softball throughout the world by funding programs to help maintain youth participation in the game. Money grants are flexible to allow applicants to address needs within their communities. BTF awards an average of 40 grants per year totaling more than $1.5 million annually, according to its website, with the average grant amount being approximately $40,000.
It often takes a team effort to support a Little League program. In March of 2009, Marilyn Wittstock ensured developmentally disabled youth would have a quality experience by leading an effort to build a custom baseball field, according to a 2009 article in The Detroit News. Wittstock helped raise $120,000 in donations so the six-team, 80-member league would have a field of its own in Clinton Township in Detroit, Michigian. The late Tony Filippis, the former owner of Wright & Filippis Inc., a prosthetic, orthotic and home medical supply company, supported the cause and reached out to donors before his death. The township’s Kiwanis and Knights of Columbus organizations collected thousands of dollars, according to the Detroit News story. The Detroit Tigers Foundation gave $10,000 and former Tiger first baseman Sean Casey and his wife, Mandi, also donated $10,000.
The Detroit Tigers Foundation made 11 grants to local youth baseball-related projects the year it donated money to the Clinton Township project. Since 2005, the foundation has strived to enhance lives through the game of baseball with a focus on youth, education and recreation. The foundation accepts formal grant requests each year from Sept.1- Dec. 20

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Good Sports, headquartered in Quincy, Massachusetts, helps youth sports groups by offering equipment grants. Good Sports partners with sporting goods manufacturers to ensure that disadvantaged youth are getting the equipment they need to participate. To be eligible for an equipment grant an organization must work with youth ages 5 to 18 years old in disadvantaged areas within the United States.

Слобода (Белозерский район)

Слобода — деревня в Белозерском районе Вологодской области.

Входит в состав Шольского сельского поселения, с точки зрения административно-территориального деления — в Шольский сельсовет.

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Storfjord (Lyngen)

Der Storfjord (Nordsamisch Omasvuotna) ist der innerste Teil des Lyngenfjords in der Gemeinde Storfjord in Troms in Norwegen. Er Fjord ist 17&nbsp waterproof purse;km lang.

Vom Einlauf zwischen dem Dorf Rasteby im Westen und der Halbinsel Falsnesodden im Osten führt der Fjord in südwestlicher Richtung zur Fjordspitze bei Hatteng.

Gleich östlich der Halbinsel Falsnesodden liegt das Dorf Skibotn hands free toothpaste dispenser. Etwas weiter im Innern des Fjords liegt das Dorf Elvevoll auf der Ostseite und etwas weiter südlich das Dorf Sandøyra. Gleich gegenüber auf der anderen Seite des Fjords von diesen liegen die beiden Dörfer Elsnes und Horsnes youth replica soccer jerseys wholesale. Zuinnerst im Fjord liegt der Tätort Hatteng. Bei Hatteng mündet der Fluss Signaldalelva in den Fjord.

Die E6 verläuft auf der Ostseite des Fjord, während die Straße 868 (norwegisch Fylkesvei 868) auf der Westseite verläuft.

Siehe auch Storfjord für weitere Orte und Fjorde mit demselben Namen.